Sam Smith
 - I first got into activism in the mid 1960s, taking part in a one day 
boycott of DC Transit to protest its fare hike. I wrote an article about
 driving 75 people that day and shortly thereafter the local head of the
 Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee - a guy named Marion Barry 
who had created the boycott - asked me handle his media work. Barry 
would later become mayor of Washington.
It was then I first learned that effective activism didn't have to be about identity but could be about issues. To scores of black activists with whom I would work in the years that followed, my perceived failings as a white guy were secondary to the usefulness of having someone like me helping the cause.
There were a few
 exceptions, the most dramatic being when the national leader of SNCC, 
Stokely Carmichael, came to town and at a meeting told the handful of 
whites present that we were no longer welcomed in the civilrights 
movement.
This was a shock but 
there were other causes where bi-ethnicity was welcomed, such as the 
anti-freeway movement and the drive for DC statehood. Both fights had 
been started by black and white activists. 
The
 tendency to put cause first was made to seem natural by people like 
Martin Luther King and Saul Alinsky. Even in the wake of the 1968 riots,
 which hit our Capitol Hill neighborhood hard, some blacks and whites 
continued to work together because we agreed on issues.
As Alinsky put it years before the Trump presidency, "Dostoyevsky
said that taking a new step is what people fear most. Any revolutionary change
must be preceded by a passive, affirmative, non-challenging attitude toward
change among the mass of our people. They must feel so frustrated, so defeated,
so lost, so futureless in the prevailing system that they are willing to let go
of the past and chance the future. This acceptance is the reformation essential
to any revolution. To bring on this reformation requires that the organizer
work inside the system… They cannot be dismissed by labeling them blue collar
or hard hat. . . . If we fail to communicate with them, if we don't encourage
them to form alliances with us, they will move to the right."  
In 2013, I put it this way, "This
is something that has troubled me for decades about left politics. How do you
grow a cause if only proper people can join it? I realized that something bad
was happening beginning about 30 years ago. Liberalism was becoming a
demographic rather than a movement. And if you weren’t part of that
demographic, there was little hope for you. 
"That was alien to everything I had learned as a New Deal baby, a 1950s doubter and a 1960s activist. Even Martin Luther King told his aides that they must remember that their goal included that some day their enemies would become their friends."
"That was alien to everything I had learned as a New Deal baby, a 1950s doubter and a 1960s activist. Even Martin Luther King told his aides that they must remember that their goal included that some day their enemies would become their friends."
Oddly, my own big problem was not 
my ethnicity but my age and size. Part of the code of the Sixties was 
not to trust anyone over 30. I had turned 30 in 1967, and as a 220 pound
 iron pumper didn't look much like a hippie. At four different major 
demonstrations I was challenged by protestors who claimed I was an 
undercover  cop. It was another lesson I learned about the dangers of 
identity politics. The trick was to find things that different folk had 
in common and could form unexpected alliances against the evils of the 
world. 
To be sure, DC was a 
different sort of place. For a half a century it would be a majority 
black town.  Defining it  as white or black only told a small piece of 
the story. For example: You talkin' black 16th Street or black 
Anacostia? 
And it was a city 
that both hosted and participated in change during the  1960s. One 
striking difference with today was that the young were far more 
important. They created, defined and acted out the protests. Despite 
that current conflicts center around matters seen dramatically 
differently by age, the young have not come close to calling the shots 
as well as they did in the Sixties.
Another
 difference that strikes me is how important churches were. Not just as 
leaders but as refuges. Over and over we met in the basement of churches
 to plan our next move. I have never been so close to church leaders as 
during the 1960s.  
Labor unions 
were also important.  They represented about three times the percentage 
of workers as today, but also important was the fact that liberal 
activists strongly considered the working class  central to the movement
 rather than, as in so many cases today, just a
 part of the problem. My hunch is that the increased education of more 
successful Americans - including the liberal elite and journalists - has
 caused many to take a more critical view of ordinary workers, leaving 
them an easier target for the Trumpists. Activism
 is heavily dependent on changing people's minds and souls. And, for 
example, lecturing a guy who is in fear of losing his job  about his 
"white privilege" is an approach that doesn't work well.  
There
 is also a lack of a significant counterculture. The Sixties were not 
just about protest, but about an alternative way of living. This not 
only added strength to the cause, it provided a way for folks to 
redefine themselves.
Finally, 
there is a factor that seems closely tied to the increased education of 
those leading change. In recent decades, the number of MBAs, lawyers and
 college educated journalists has soared and one of the results is a 
increased placing of analysis over action.
Now
 the power is in describing rather than prescribing. We know all about 
the roots of racism or the failure of the police, but effective 
reactions or cures are hard to come by. One of the unspoken costs of 
this is that we are being implicitly taught that we are hopelessly 
trapped in the past. As someone raised in a dysfunctional family I 
recognize the difference between learning from the past and being 
condemned to it. I learned how to replace the past rather than just 
endlessly ruminate over it. 
Part
 of doing this today would be for the young to realize they live in a 
dysfunctional family but are not condemned to follow its rules. They 
are, instead, the potential creators of a new and better America. They 
just need the courage.magination and vision to make it happen.
 
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