Sam Smith
A strange and unnecessary argument has developed over a
supposed conflict between the fair demands of cultural equality and that of
economic decency. This has been
accompanied by a growing tendency to lump all whites into the same category
through such phrases as “white privilege” that ignores the fact, for example,
that there are 80% more whites in poverty than blacks. Meanwhile the ethnic
debate has increasingly centered on symbolic rather than substantive change
which again, is not an either/or matter, but should at least take into
consideration that removing the statue of Robert E Lee is not likely to affect real
discrimination in the city where it sat. It seems at times that politics – both
liberal and conservative – has become reduced to a matter of how smug it allows
one to feel rather than its actual results.
As one who was involved in the 1960s civil rights movement,
I find the evolution of ethnic discussion and debate odd. Sure, take away
Robert E. Lee but couldn’t we also find time to push reforms to improve our
urban police departments? There has been a generous listing of their faults but
a stunning absence of organizing around specific improvements. There is similar
attention given to the past failings of white culture, even with an unspoken and
ironic suggestion that this is, in fact, a genetic racial defect, but little
interest in bringing the white working class back into the liberal coalition as
it was in both the New Deal and the Great Society.
Much of the way that we approach our problems bears a
similarity to what one finds among those children in dysfunctional families who
have defined their life and its possibilities by the past with which they were burdened when they were
young. It is not that this history did not exist but those who survive best in from
such an experience are typically those who proceed to write a new history for
themselves in a new place and/or in a new way.
Those obsessed with the past remain its prisoner. This is
not what generally happened in the 1960s. There was, in no small part thanks to
Martin Luther King Jr, an understanding as he put it, that capitalism “was
built on the exploitation and suffering of black slaves and continues to thrive
on the exploitation of the poor – both black and white, both here and abroad.”
Writing for Alternet, Zaid Jilani recalled that King “wrote
an article in the Saturday
Evening Post explaining the urgency of the problems he was
working to solve. He laid out his proposal of a ‘grand alliance’ between blacks
and whites aimed at ‘eradicating social evils which oppress both white and Negro.’
He pointed to high youth unemployment among both groups, and said economic
competition would become self-destructive if the two groups did not cooperate.”
And King was not alone. Adrian Wood & Nutan Rajguru
described Black Panther leaders Bobby Seale and Huey Newton:
In forming the Panthers, Seale and Newton made
a clean break with both the integrationist and the separatist approach. They
argued instead that the economic and political roots of racism were in the
exploitative capitalist system and that the Black struggle must be a
revolutionary movement to overthrow the entire power structure in order to
achieve liberation for all Black people.
Said Newton:
[The African-American activist community] must also be able to realize that there are
white people, brown people, red people, yellow people in this world who are
totally dedicated to the destruction of this system of oppression, and we
welcome that. We will always be open to working with that.
And Seale:
Cultural nationalists and Black
Panthers are in conflict in many areas. Basically, cultural nationalism sees
the white man as the oppressor and makes no distinction between racist whites
and non-racist whites, as the Panthers do. The cultural nationalists say that a
Black man cannot be the enemy of the Black people, while the Panthers believe
that Black capitalists are exploiters and oppressors. Although the Black
Panther Party believes in Black nationalism and Black culture, it does not
believe that either will lead to Black liberation or the overthrow of the
capitalist system, and are therefore ineffective.
I was one of a handful of whites in the Washington office of
the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee when Stokely Carmichael announced
that we were no longer welcome in the movement. Yet in no small part because of
what DC whites and blacks had learned working together in an often successful
battle against more freeways, cultural nationalism – or identity politics as
it’s called today – didn’t really catch on and within a few years we had formed
a bi-ethnic third party that would hold a seat on the city council and/or the school
board for 25 years.
I am not bitter about Carmichael nor about those loyal to
identity politics. I just grew up in a time when politics was not about
theories but about what was happening right around you. It early became clear to me that issues rather
than identity allowed you to build a force that could not only write nice
articles but actually produce change.
And as King noted in 1967, “Effective political power for Negroes
cannot come through separatism. SNCC staff members are eminently correct when
they point out that in Lowndes County, Alabama, there are no white liberals or
moderates and no possibility for cooperation between the races at the present
time. But the Lowndes County experience cannot be made a measuring rod for the
whole of America’’
He tried to exemplify this with the multi-cultural Poor
People’s Campaign and its Resurrection City on the National Mall. In an interview,
Jesse Jackson Jr. described King’s goal:
Well, the context of it is the
Saturday morning before Dr. King was assassinated, he called this emergency
staff meeting at his office in Atlanta, Georgia. He had this vision we should
wipe out poverty, ignorance and disease, that you couldn't do it on an ethnic
basis. That was not, that was never going to be in the plan to wipe out Black
poverty that would leave the Hispanics in poverty or Whites or women in poverty
or Native American in poverty.
Twenty years later, Jackson put some of King’s principles to
test as he ran for president in 1988.
The Wikipedia account is worth reading because so many have forgotten this remarkable moment:
In early 1988, Jackson organized a
rally at the former American Motors assembly plant in Kenosha, Wisconsin, approximately two weeks
after new owner Chrysler announced it would close the plant by the end of
the year. In his speech, Jackson spoke out against Chrysler's decision, stating
"We have to put the focus on Kenosha, Wisconsin, as the place, here and
now, where we draw the line to end economic violence!" and compared the
workers' fight to that of the civil rights movement in Selma,
Alabama. As a result, the UAW Local 72 union voted to endorse his
candidacy, even against the rules of the UAW….
Jackson ran on what many
considered to be a very liberal platform. Declaring
that he wanted to create a "Rainbow Coalition" of various minority
groups, including African Americans, Hispanics, Middle Eastern Americans, Asian
Americans, Native Americans, family
farmers, the poor and working class, and LGBT people, as well
as white progressives,
Jackson ran on a platform that included:
·
creating a Works Progress Administration-style
program to rebuild America's infrastructure
and provide jobs to all Americans,
·
reprioritizing the War on
Drugs to focus less on mandatory minimum sentences for drug users
(which he views as racially biased) and more on harsher punishments for money-laundering
bankers and
others who are part of the "supply" end of "supply
and demand"
·
reversing Reaganomics-inspired
tax cuts
for the richest ten percent of Americans and using the money to finance social
welfare programs
·
cutting the budget of the Department of Defense by as
much as fifteen percent over the course of his administration
·
instituting an immediate nuclear
freeze and beginning disarmament negotiations with the Soviet
Union
·
creating a single-payer system of universal health care
·
ratifying the Equal Rights Amendment
·
increasing federal funding for lower-level public
education and providing free community
college to all
·
applying stricter enforcement of the Voting
Rights Act and
·
supporting the formation of a Palestinian
state.
·
With the exception of a resolution to implement
sanctions against South Africa for its apartheid policies, none of these positions
made it into the party's platform in either 1984 or 1988.
Jackson captured
6.9 million votes and won 11 contests: seven primaries (Alabama, the District
of Columbia, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, Puerto Rico and Virginia) and
four caucuses (Delaware, Michigan, South Carolina and Vermont). Jackson also
scored March victories in Alaska's caucuses and Texas's local conventions,
despite losing the Texas primary
What
Jackson had done was to follow a greatly ignored rule of thumb about America: If you are in a minority you can still lead the
majority. In fact it’s one of the best things you can do. There are all sorts of
ways. The moral leadership of civil rights activists, political
leadership, leadership in the arts and
literature, or in a high school.
Or creating cross-cultural spaces such as the traditional Irish bar As one politician said in Chicago many years ago, “An Italian won't vote for a Jew and a Lithuanian won't vote for an Pole but all four will vote for an Irishman.”
Or creating cross-cultural spaces such as the traditional Irish bar As one politician said in Chicago many years ago, “An Italian won't vote for a Jew and a Lithuanian won't vote for an Pole but all four will vote for an Irishman.”
The Irish did it politically, the Jews
did it culturally and blacks – thanks to those like King and Jackson – did it
with a movement that spoke across cultures. More recently Rev. William Barber
with his Moral Majority has shown how in North Carolina.
It can happen again but to do so, blacks
and latinos need to stop accepting the limited role of what Bobby Seale called
cultural nationalism and see themselves as those with the greatest chance of
becoming the new moral voice for all of America, regardless of ethnicity or
gender. And the great common ground is an economic system that screws too many Americans regardless of their ethnicity.
It is true that, thanks to the lies
and machinations of people like Donald Trump and large corporations, a lot of
white guys have been taught the wrong way to solve their real problems. They don’t
need condemnation, they need help. And true friends.
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