Things Irish American Protestants should know about Ireland
Sam Smith
According to Edward T. O'Donnell in the
History
News Network:
"The
practice of honoring St. Patrick on March 17, traditionally understood
as the day of his death (c. 493) at Downpatrick in County Down,
is a tradition that comes from old Ireland. For centuries the
people of Ireland marked the day as a solemn religious event,
perhaps wearing green, sporting a shamrock, and attending mass,
but little more. No one knows for sure when the first commemoration
of St. Patrick's Day in America took place. One of the earliest
references is to the establishment of the Charitable Irish Society,
founded on St. Patrick's Day in Boston in 1737. Another early
celebration took place in New York City in 1762, when an Irishman
named John Marshall held a party in his house. Although little
is known of Marshall's party, it is understood that his guests
marched as a body to his house to mark St. Patrick's Day, thus
forming an unofficial 'parade.' The first recorded true parade
took place in 1766 in New York when local military units, including
some Irish soldiers in the British army, marched at dawn from
house to house of the leading Irish citizens of the city. With
few exceptions, the parade in New York has been held every year
since 1766. Thus was a tradition born - an American tradition
only recently adopted in Ireland itself."
Thus, thanks hanks to Irish-American Protestants,
St. Patrick's Day became secularized rather than, as in Ireland,
considered a day of holy obligation. In fact, until the 1970s
the bars in Dublin were closed on March 17.
Early, groups such as the Hibernians, the
Friendly Sons of Saint Patrick, and Irish Aid societies sprung
up in America as a reflection of Irish loyalty and concern for
Irish immigrants.
The idea spread. For example, on March 17,
1812, in Savannah GA, thirteen men founded the Hibernian Society
dedicated to aiding destitute Irish immigrants, largely Catholic.
A few months later, the group, now up to 44 members, adopted
a constitution and the motto, "non sibi sed alis" (not
for ourselves, but for others). Not one charter member was a
Catholic. One year later, on March 17, the group marched in procession
to a Presbyterian church for a service and oration.
The Catholics were not the only religion
persecuted by the English. Presbyterians, who had fled Scotland
to escape persecution, found a similar fate in Ireland. It was
one of the causes of Irish emigration to America prior to the
potato famine. As one history recounts:
"Though
they naturally contributed to the stipend of their own preachers,
Presbyterians (and other dissenters: Quakers, Baptists and, later,
Methodists, as well as Roman Catholics) were obliged by law to
financially support the Church of Ireland, through payment of
tithes; this provoked deep resentment. Ulster Presbyterians deeply
resented being obliged to submit to, support and obey the Episcopalian
church interests of the Anglo-Irish ascendancy . . . By the archaic
Test Act, Presbyterians were barred from holding public office
-- unless they took the communion sacrament according to Church
of Ireland rites."
This account
also describes a fundamentalist twist that may seem odd to today's
reader:
"The
radical biblicism of Ulster Presbyterians meant that they took
most seriously scriptural concern for social and political justice.
When oppressive, despotic government denied them civil and religious
liberty, liberal Presbyterians in late 18th century Ulster began
to clamor for constitutional reform of their (Irish-based) British
parliament. Political questions, they contended, were ultimately
moral and religious concerns and Presbyterians saw it as their
duty to create a just society; the state needs be 'born again.'"
1791 saw the creation of the multi-denominational
United Irishmen. Its members initially merely sought political
and economic reforms, but within four years had begun arming
themselves and talking of liberation. They also revised their
oath to read:
"In
the awful presence of God, I do voluntarily declare that I will
persevere in endeavoring to form a Brotherhood of affection among
Irishmen of every religious persuasion. And that I will also
persevere in my endeavors to obtain an equal, full and adequate
representation of all the people of Ireland."
While many Presbyterians declined to support
or withdrew from the United Irishmen, the group was central to
the uprising of 1798. This largely Protestant revolt was a failure
and, with the exception a minor skirmish in Tipperary in 1848
and one at Chester Castle in 1867, there would not be another
Irish armed rebellion until the 20th century.
Irish Protestant emigrants played a major
role in the American Revolution and the revolution in turn influenced
events in Ireland. For example, the first copy of the Declaration
of Independence to be printed outside of North America appeared
in the pages of the 'Belfast Newsletter.' A less direct influence
came when England was forced to rely on Irish volunteer companies
to defend Ireland because its regular troops were in America.
After the war, the 80,000-strong Volunteers pressed for political
reform.
Some Irish Protestants and Catholics joined
in support of the French revolution and in encouraging a French
invasion of Ireland on behalf of the Irish cause. The French
national assembly even promised military and financial support
for an uprising against the English.
Among the influences on Irish Protestants
were the writings of Tom Paine. His 'Rights of Man' was declared
"the Bible of Belfast.' 40,000 copies were sold in Ulster
and it was reprinted in four Irish newspapers.
Following the American revolution, Paine
encouraged similar uprisings in Europe, suggesting, "it
is not difficult to believe that the spring is begun".
Among pro-nationalist Protestants of the
time was Theobald Wolfe Tone, who wrote an early "Argument
on Behalf of the Catholics of Ireland." He also served as
secretary of the Catholic Committee. Tone, upon his capture in
1798, was refused a soldier's execution by gunshot and was sentenced
to be hung. He made an eloquent speech about the virtues of republicanism
in court and then returned to his cell where he cut his own throat.
Irish Protestant Thomas Addis Emmett, brother
of 1798 uprising leader Robert Emmett, was captured and condemned
but later won a reprieve. In 1804, a year after his brother was
hung, he emigrated to America. He became the highly regarded
attorney general of New York, well enough known nationally that
a New Orleans attorney said of him, "his name rings down
the valley of the Mississippi, and we hail his efforts with a
kind of local pride." Tom Paine liked him well enough to
leave him $200 in his will.
A 20th century Protestant fighter for the
Irish cause, Erskine Childers, was executed on charges of possessing
a small pistol after helping Eamon de Valera and other IRA members
lead a rebellion against the Irish free state government. His
son would become president of Ireland in the 1970s. Childers,
regarded as the father of the modern spy novel ("Riddle
of the Sands"), used his 50-foot ketch to smuggle arms to
the Irish rebels. In support of his execution, Winston Churchill
said, "no man has done more harm or done more genuine malice
or endeavored to bring a greater curse upon the common people
of Ireland than this strange being."
Although he would later become far more
conservative, Protestant poet WB Yeats as a young man was a member
of the Irish Republican Brotherhood. An 1899 police report called
him as "more or less revolutionary" and he wrote a
poem about the 1916 uprising:
Now
and in time to be,
Wherever the green is worn,
All changed, changed utterly;
A terrible beauty is born
Yeats said of Irish Protestants during a
1925 Senate debate on divorce, "We . . . are no petty people.
We are one of the great stocks of Europe. We are the people of
Burke; we are the people of Swift, the people of Emmet, the people
of Parnell. We have created most of the modern literature of
this country. We have created the best of its political intelligence."
History News Network -In several polls
and surveys conducted in the 1970s and 1980s, researchers discovered
what at first seemed an astonishing fact: a majority of Americans
who identify themselves as Irish also identify themselves as
Protestant. For a nation (and an ethnic group for that matter)
that had grown so accustomed to conflating Irishness with Catholicism,
this announcement was greeted with disbelief. Among some Irish
Catholics, the reaction was anger.
The explanation for the find is actually quite simple. Huge numbers
of Irish immigrants came to America in the colonial period (indeed,
30 percent of all immigrants from Europe arriving between 1700
and 1820 came from Ireland) and the great majority of them were
Presbyterians from Ulster. Of the many thousands of Catholics
who came in the 17th and 18th centuries, most appear to have
converted to some form of Protestantism.
The Protestant descendents of these early Irish arrivals have
been multiplying ever since. In contrast, the great migration
of Irish Catholics began only in the 1830s (during which time,
of course, many Protestant Irish continued to come). A poll conducted
by the National Opinion Research Center makes this point clear:
in the 1970s, only 41% of Irish Catholics were fourth generation
or more as compared to 83% of Irish Protestants.
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