August 22, 2015

Imagining a progressive south

Chisolm Allenlundy, Talk Poverty -  The South is not, today, one whole.”

Those words, uttered by the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. in a March 30, 1963 essay for The Nation, are as true today as they were then. In that statement, Dr. King invoked the dedicated minority of progressive Southerners who were determined to bring racial justice to the region, while simultaneously putting pressure on the equally-dedicated majority hell-bent on maintaining the status quo.

Indeed, if anything is true of the curious collection of states commonly referred to as the “American South,” it is that things never seem to change. Or, at least, that was the story told in a recent Politico Magazine article by Michael Lind that claimed the South is simply deadweight on the rest of the nation.

Lind harps on some themes that we Southerners, and particularly progressive Southerners, are all too familiar with: our soaring economic inequality, our propensity for violence, our pitiful progress in advancing racial justice. In making all of these statements, Lind is by no means incorrect, yet the focus is wrong.

Lind commits a common error often repeated in America’s history. That is, he lifts up the tired narrative of the majority’s failures, rather than the more noble narrative of the minority’s heroics.

There has long existed a passionate and driven community of Southern progressives who have pushed not only the region but the entire country toward the realization of racial justice and true economic opportunity. When the nation lent its ear and sword to these individuals and organizations, they fundamentally altered history.

Think William Faulkner, Ella Baker, John Lewis and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, and of course King himself and his Southern Christian Leadership Conference. While there is no question that a healthy disdain for the South’s violent segregationist tactics helped these beacons break onto the political scene, it alone was not enough. Those fighting for change needed their voices amplified. And eventually, the leadership and insight of these historic Southerners, together with America’s willingness to lend support on these issues, finally moved the needle on civil rights not only in the South, but across the country. Unfortunately, we seem to have stopped listening to those who can bring progress to the South, in favor of using it as a scapegoat for the nation’s larger racial and economic woes.

The Equal Justice Initiative, based in Montgomery, has provided legal representation to thousands denied fair treatment and actively lobbies for policies that alleviate poverty and dismantle racial oppression.

Empower Alabama has registered thousands of new voters in the state and continues to fight against policies that restrict voting rights.

The Campaign for Southern Equality works to promote LGBT equality and provides legal representation to LGBT individuals and families.

The Institute for Southern Studies, based in Durham, conducts research and provides grassroots support toward the goal of creating a more progressive and inclusive South.

America is and has always been defined by its implicit and explicit embrace of racial oppression and unequal distributions of economic resources—the South is more of an accomplice than the sole perpetrator. But if we can imagine a new America that transcends these injustices, then certainly we can do the same with the South. Sometimes, things do indeed change.

2 comments:

Dan Lynch said...

All true, but of course the article ignores the most successful Southern progressive legacy, Huey Long. Long's platform never stopped working and never stopped being popular with the 99%. It's just that he was assassinated and no one picked up his torch.

Huey's brother Earl, who would take over the Long "machine" in Louisiana, was cut from a different cloth. Earl and Huey had been enemies when Huey was still alive, but people tend to think of them as one and the same, which is a disservice to Huey.

Anonymous said...

Not just LBJ but the Carter legacy which included the Wallace conversion to civil rights advocacy. The New South as a second reconstruction was crushed by the attack on Carter by Wall St. liberals as well as by the GOP adoption of the old discarded Wallace-LeMay platform. Wallace's fourth inaugural address of 1983 draws the battle line between his New Deal populism and Reaganism's Wall St. assault on Alabama's economy. An OWS critique of austerity and neocolonialism that the Wall St. liberals in the party like Clinton wouldn't defend. It took conservative Ross Perot to question the Wall St coup. The main assault on Carter's New South was by Ted Kennedy who preferred Reagan. Much as Gene McCarthy preferred Nixon over Humphrey.